Nationalism and Nationalities
IN THE ERA OF DECENTRALIZATION
Pratikno
Fisipol UGM
Pratikno
Fisipol UGM
Indonesia has a strong foundation of national spirit in the midst of the reality of diversity. This can be seen from the history of the Indonesian nation-state is obtained from the union of sovereign nation-small nationalities in the region. Therefore, recognition of the existence of regional public entities in the era of independence through a policy of decentralization, to mandate a difficult history circumvented.
Along the way, Indonesia's political history marked by tensions between central and local governments. But basically, the demand for independence was never a major target of the movement area. Permesta PRRI movement in South Sulawesi, for example, is a half-hearted rebellion demanding independence as part of political negotiations with the center. Meanwhile, Aceh's movement for independence in the reign of Sukarno described as "The Revolt of the Republic", the rebellion by the founders of the republic to the chagrin of the republic he founded. Regional rebellions that occurred during the reign of the Old Order was triggered by the central government injustices in the treatment of regional economic, political and cultural. Regional rebellions in principle is the political will to demand attention.
Under the center of political repression in the New Order era, the area of the central real disappointment continues, but no longer can be expressed openly because of all the political space was closed with an authoritarian manner. When the capacity of the center in close and pressing the local political movement has decreased, the local political turmoil back up. At the end of the period 1990s to early 2000s, Indonesia is again faced with the phenomenon of some local desire for independence. This means, long disappointment regions in terms of economic injustice, political and cultural place in the Old Order era was not seriously addressed by the 30-year New Order government. After the New Order government resolve this claim by giving political recognition and cultural as well as greater fiscal allocations to the rebel regions.
Furthermore, if the management of central and local relations imposed a new pattern after the New Order will be able to strengthen the national spirit in all regions in Indonesia? This paper aims to trace the history of the implementation of decentralization policies in Indonesia and their implications for future commitment to the spirit of Indonesian nationalism.
Learning from the Old Order
In the early years of its establishment, the Indonesian nation-state must be faced with a problem of national unity. In the period of liberal democracy and the beginning of the guided democracy in the 1950s occurred some significant regional rebellions, including in West Sumatra, South Sulawesi which is famous for PRRI-Permesta, and the Free Aceh Movement. In addition, there are still some minor rebellion among others, occurred in West Java which intends to establish an Islamic state, and in West Kalimantan in the early 1960s associated with the ethnic Chinese. It is therefore easy to understand why the center-periphery relationship is a complicated political problem of the Old Order that consume much energy.
Learning from experience, there are at least four pillars explanation cause of regional rebellions in the era of the Old Order (Charity: 1992). First, regions outside of Java uprising was triggered by the economic structure of the striking disparity between Java and outside Java. The island is very densely populated Java plays a 'net importer', while outside Java, a mainstay for export purposes. The injustice of the economic structure is more advantageous Java are compounded by the political conditions that limit the expectations of the public outside Java to be involved in the national political process. Major parties are influential nationally in 1955 election based more on Java, such as the PNI, NU and PKI. While the aspirations outside Java only represented by one party Masyumi.
Second, the regional rebellions of the Old Order was driven by dissatisfaction with the centralized system of government that does not provide adequate space to regional autonomy. The local politicians in the early days of independence believe that regional autonomy is a minimum requirement that allows regions to protect their interests. However, the government running until just before 1957 tend to be centralized. Establishment of the Republic of Indonesia States in the late 1940s quickly returned to form a unitary state. The bureaucrats and professionals tend to hinder the process of decentralization. This condition causes high frustration among local politicians. Central government's efforts to develop autonomy through Law no. 1 / 1957 is considered to be late because the area has been so heightened disappointment.
Third, the chances of regional rebellions in the era of the Old Order was extended by a military organization berkoisidensi with organizing civil and even well into a unity with cultural polarization. Military leadership in the area has a region coincident with the civilian leadership that is between them easy to blend with the name of the region. Then, the professionalization and rationalization of the military organization conducted by the central military has hurt the military area that a low level of formal education. Therefore, this explanation argues that the insurgency areas is driven by internal conflict over the military which is then fused with the civilian leadership and cultural solidarity.
Fourth, the debate about the basic state. When PPKI set Pancasila as the state of the Republic of Indonesia, since it also appears rejection movements. Darul Islam rebellion is one of the proof in the early days of independence. Since the early 1950s conflict between the nationalists under Sukarno, which strongly supports the Pancasila with Masyumi that supports Islam as the state increasingly sharp. Clashes between nationalists who became the dominant actor in this central government with Masyumi is rapidly becoming a feud between the central (Java) and outside Java according to the geographical map of their social base.
Failure of the New Order
Regional rebellions in the Old Order was successfully stopped by the New Order. Since 1965, there were almost no significant local rebellion. Separatist movements contained in Aceh and Irian Jaya occur on a much smaller scale and central control compared to what happened in the Old Order. South Sulawesi and West Sumatra during Sukarno's a lot of areas that provide resistance to the center, on the Suharto era that no longer occur. The question that arises is, how the New Order regime to end the rebellion that area.
Based on the argument emergence regional rebellions in the Old Order which has been stated above, the success of the New Order should be based on its ability to complete the four sources of the problem. However, evidence suggests that the New Order government does not stop all of the disease. New Order only solve two basic problems related to state and military organization, but at the same time was even more aggravating the two most important issues is to develop systems of government and local finance is increasingly centralized, and further widen the economic structure of a fundamental dichotomy between Java and outside Java. To understand why this happens, we can make the tracking of the character of the New Order regime.
Character of the New Order Regime
Often people say that the New Order regime is a 'veto regime', who was born in-veto and has the veto power to save the bankrupt economy and increase political stability and national integration. In fact, on the other hand, the New Order under Suharto's leadership and the military as their personal, only to have the sources of political legitimacy are vulnerable.
Although it does not have a strong source of political legitimacy, the New Order has managed to establish effective governance. One 'trade mark' New Order's success becomes a buffer for the barrage of other success is the ability to create stability by means of political control of society both politically and economically.
New Order's political power effectively stem from at least four major sources (Pratikno 1996). First, the New Order's flexibility to use the mechanisms of violence, whether military force or violence of law in everyday political life. Second, economic clientelistic mechanisms of money politics to buy the support that is successful thanks to the abundance of economic resources from the export of oil and other natural products. Third, ideologizing such particularistic definition of Pancasila democracy, the definition of human rights, and responsibilities of all citizens to legitimize otoritarianismenya statehood. Finally, by utilizing state corporatism network to 'deliver' public participation into the political mobilization of the controlled, through penunggalan professional groups and interests that downward occupy an important position in front of members, but to the top, these organizations are highly vulnerable to state intervention (King , 1982).
Central-Local Relations Character
Centralization of political and economic resources in the hands of a small group of elites at the central government is the inherent consequence of the authoritarian political system. In fact, centralization is still reinforced by the development of uniformity supra-and infra-political structure.
New Order regulate local government in detail and made uniform nationally (Devas 1989). Organs of supra-local political structure is set centrally and uniformly without regard to the heterogeneity of the 'political system' local that has existed long before the concept of Indonesian nationality. Through a strategy of state corporatism, the New Order government do penunggalan interest groups that are controlled centrally. The workers across the country if its existence is recognized only under the auspices of SPSI. Similarly, for public servants who have provided Korpri, for teachers has been provided PGRI, for farmers have been provided HKTI, for entrepreneurs have been provided KADIN, to the journalists had been provided PWI, and others. The condition was aggravated by the centralization of institutional interest groups and later became one of the political machinery to build public support (although possibly fictitious) to the government through an umbrella organization called the Group of (King 1982, Reeve 1990).
In other words, the New Order era, there has been negaraisasi process (state formation) in an extraordinary way trying menisbikan existence of local politics that has long been rooted in society. It is becoming increasingly effective through military involvement in day-to-day politics are intensely cultivate a climate of fear (both ideological and physical repression) in the political community who tried to resist the domination of the center. Administration is also too much penetrated state in private life, such as maintenance of identity cards, letters of Good Behaviour, Description Clean Environment, and others who created the individual to the state dependence (Antlov 1994).
National mechanisms of political control was shoulder to shoulder with the centralized management of resources in the national economy is very biased center (Jakarta, and later Java). With the national development discourse, equitable development and national integration among the areas, the government made the regional economic resource management nationally. Mines, forests, some seafood and some types of managed national perkebenan results taken fully into Jakarta.
Centralized mechanism of this kind continue to prolonged due to two main points. First, at the national level, the political elite decision-makers do not have a local political base whatsoever. Strength of the national executive (which can be only institution of the Presidency, and even Suharto only) on a single actor in the national political stage is not rooted in the bottom, and even do not need political support from the community for the survival of their political power. Second, at the local level, local political communities alienated from the political mechanisms that have been fully nationalized. Even also, the local political arena has been monopolized by the center in the area.
Because supra-and infra-structure of local political structures have undergone negaraisasi substantially, then there is practically no adequate local political resistance against the centralization of resource management is a centralized economy. In other words, in summary it can be said that the variety of the central figure of bias in the distribution of political and economic resources that occurred during the last 32 years this is the product of an authoritarian political regime who built his political legitimacy through the centralization and monopoly of political and economic resources nationally.
However, the political workings of the centralized and monolithic is only able to improve the situation for a moment and be purely fictitious. Signals the failure of local political setting a new Order of the more striking to the surface when some local communities, particularly Irian Jaya and Aceh, demanding a fundamental change in the local political setting and the center-periphery relationship in the years 1997an. In fact, one form of these demands are the demands of separatists to form their own country. Demands the establishment of their own country or region to break away from the Unitary Republic of Indonesia is really true that with the release of East Timor Province of the Republic of Indonesia territory through a referendum in the era of President Habibie.
The facts about the demands of separatists who finally realized through the separation of East Timor from Indonesian territory is evidence that 'obedience' local political community towards the center during this is a sham and full obedience to compulsion. Of course such a concept of nation-states are very vulnerable to shocks. When economic crisis hit Indonesia, political reform initiated when the community, and when human rights violations in Indonesia is increasingly becoming the world spotlight, but when that process of political decay (rather than political development) New Order began to rise to the surface.
Post-New Order: The National Integration Through Decentralization
Post-Suharto government that appear under the pressures of democratization and the economy has been hit by scarcity of resources really can not take advantage of power sources such as liberal New Order. Military violence can no longer be used openly. DOM (Military Operations Area) Aceh 'forced' should be revoked. Demonstration of 'forced' to be handled in a persuasive manner. And military behavior into the public spotlight. Clientelistic economic to buy the loyalty becomes increasingly difficult, when the government no longer rich. The economic crisis has made the state budget deficit; centralized management of economic resources is now being sued; and every policy of allocation of economic resources is questionable. Playing standards of political morality are also difficult, when people now dare to speak out with the standard normative legal conscience and sued the New Order's rich political manipulation. State corporatism also paralyzed, when community groups, particularly professional groups, managed to build a plurality of representation of their interests without successfully restrained the state.
Freedom and political openness that occurred after the New Order took a logical consequence to the government to immediately change the self. All sorts of policies and regulations that smelled of the centralized New Order changed in such a magnitude to be very decentralized. Radical policies (big bang), decentralization was introduced in 1999 through Law 22/1999 and Law 25/1999. Two laws are born to respond to two socio-political condition that is widespread demand regions to gain greater autonomy, even the demands of the federation and independence, and the spirit of democracy that demands broad participation space.
With this political and social setting, the Law no. 22/1999 and Law 25/1999 comes with two main missions. First, to satisfy all areas by providing space high political participation through 'political decentralization' from the center to the regions, and provide opportunities and political satisfaction to the community by providing the opportunity to enjoy the main symbols of local democracy (eg elections Regional Head). Second, to satisfy the regions rich natural resources of the 'rebel' by providing greater access to enjoy the natural resources that exist in their respective regions.
The new regulation gives wide powers to autonomous regions, covering all areas of government except foreign policy, defense, judiciary, monetary and fiscal, religion, and several other areas of authority. Besides obtaining broad political authority, the area also has high chances of political participation. This can be seen from the opportunity to choose direct Regional Head, also the formation of the Village Representative Body as a new development for the life of democracy at village level. In more detail, Law 22/1999 which is then followed by Law No.32/2004 with some revision, has made significant changes compared with the system used in the New Order.
First, the spirit of greater regional autonomy began with the change of symbol in the name of the autonomous region. The term autonomous regional levels (provincial, and municipal II) was abolished, and replaced with more neutral terms, ie provincial, district and city. This is based on the spirit to avoid the image that the higher level (Dati I) in a hierarchical more powerful than the lower level (Dati II). Though both of them is a legal entity separate and parallel which have a different authority.
Second, Law 22/1999 shorten the reach of the principle of deconcentration is limited only to the provincial government. County and City Government have been liberated from a very strong central intervention through a concurrently the Head of the Autonomous Region (Local Self-Government) and the Chief Administrative Region (Field Administration). To the Regents and the Mayor is the Autonomous Region alone. Meanwhile, Regional Head of office at the district and the City (former municipality) is not known anymore.
Third, regents and mayors elected by themselves in areas without involving the provinces and central government. In the Law 22/1999, the Regional Chief elected by parliament. Therefore, the Regent / Mayor should be accountable to and can be dismissed by parliament before his term ended. Meanwhile, the central government (the President) was only given authority to 'dismiss as' a Regent / Mayor, if deemed harmful to national integration. In 2004, diperkenalkanlah Direct elections in which Chief shall be elected directly by the people of the pair of candidates submitted by political parties. Changes to the deepening of democracy is flourishing. Law No.32/2004 was then revised in 2008 to provide the opportunity for independent candidates to compete in direct elections.
Fourth, the Law 22/1999 which was followed by Law No.32/2004 abolish the position of administrative regions (field administration) at the level of the Regency and the City. Prefectoral Integrated System that used centralized Law No.5/1974 converted into Functional System, and not just Unintegrated Prefectoral System, known on the Law No.1/1957.
Fifth, the bill puts the government district and municipality as the autonomous zone, namely the Regency and the City. In other words, sub-district government position as the representative of the autonomous regional governments (decentralization), and not as a deconcentration apparatus.
Sixth, the law gives broader authority to autonomous regions, covering all areas of government except foreign policy, defense, judiciary, monetary and fiscal, religion, and 'authority in other fields'. However, the definition of 'authority in other fields' are in fact still very wide, because includes planning and macro national development control, financial balance fund, state administration system and the institution the country's economy, development and empowerment of human resources, performance is use of natural resources and strategic high technology, koservasi and national standardization.
Meanwhile, the financial sector also experienced some changes. Through Law 25/1999 and Law no. 33/2004, at the macro financial resources of the area enlarged, in line with the development of the principle of equalization. Total allocation of financial transfers to the regions continues to increase from year to year. This amount is also increasingly felt for the two provinces special autonomy, namely Papua and Aceh (Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam) through special autonomy and adjustment funds. All this is done to reduce fiscal disparities between central and local government, improve the quality of local public services, and enhance synergies and local development planning. The following table shows the increase in the allocation of central transfers to the regions during the era of decentralization (the source of the Directorate General of Fiscal Balance, Ministry of Finance 2007).
This policy provides large fiscal resources to the regions rich natural resources of the 'rebel' in the late 1990s by providing greater access to enjoy the natural resources available in their area each. However, problems still arise is how the management of fiscal capacity, and how it impacts the welfare of local communities.
Regional Response: Memperbutkan Down to Local Resources
Post-New Order policies described above has to expand the arena and enlarge the resources available in the area. Through decentralization and autonomy, local governments have greater opportunity to improve public services, development of regional economy, as well as in developing new breakthroughs in the management of local governance. Monitoring institutions such as regional autonomy implementation of Regional Autonomy Implementation Monitoring Committee (KPPOD), Java Pos Institute of Pro Autonomy (JPIP), SMERU Research Institute, Sustainable Capacity Building for Decentralization Project (SCBD), Foundation for Local Government Innovation (YIPD), and various other institutions have successfully documented a number of new innovations developed areas in the implementation of regional autonomy.
In addition, many areas also have more advanced developing institutions to facilitate cooperation among the areas of conflict management, cross-regional economic development, efficiency and effectiveness of public services, etc.. Several inter-agency cooperation has become a popular area among others Javapromo (joint 13 districts in Central Java Province and Yogyakarta in the field of Tourism), Kartamantul (cooperation of Yogyakarta, Sleman regency, and district Bnatul), Subosuko Wonosraten (includes areas Surakarta , Boyolali, Sukoharjo, Karanganyar, Wonogiri, Sragen and Klaten), Pawonsari (Pacitan, Wonogiri, Wonosari), Barlingmascakeb (Banjarnegara, Purbalingga, Banyumas, Cilacap and Kebumen), Gerbangkertosusilo (Gresik, Bangkalan, Mojokerto, Surabaya, Sidoardjo and Lamongan ), and others.
Various progress shows that the areas increasingly have the freedom to develop its territory according to the needs of local communities with the provision of policy autonomy provided by the center.
But on the other hand, local communities have not fully enjoy fiscal decentralization and functions given to the area. Many parts of the area that disappointed in the policies of autonomous regions and central government which in turn then requires self becomes its own autonomous region. This phenomenon is called the expansion area.
In just half a decade, the number of autonomous regions in Indonesia have grown to nearly two-fold. From October 1999 until January 2008, recorded 164 new districts have been formed consisting of 7 new provinces, 23 new cities, and 134 new districts, as can be seen in the following table.
Regional Expansion of the Year 1999-2008
Year Month Number of New Provincial Total Kab. Total New Total New City
October 1999 - 26 1 27
2000 June 2 - - 2
October 1 - - 1
December 2 1-3
2001 June - - 12 12
2002 April - 19 3 22
October 1 - - 1
2003 February - 9 3 12
April - 17-17
May - 12-12
December - 23-23
2004 October 1 - - 1
2007 January - 14 2 16
March - 1-1
August - 6 2 8
2008 January - 6-6
TOTAL 7134 23 164
Source: Adapted from the Act on Establishment of New Areas, the Secretariat of the House of Representatives 1999-2008
The phenomenon of regional enlargement is basically another form of regional efforts to attract the attention of the center. If the era of the Old Order daerah voice their demands through the rebellion, the New Order era muted regional rebellions through bribery mechanisms elitist loyalties from the center, then at the center of the reform era responded to the demands of the region with more institutionalized by giving political recognition and cultural and economic resource allocation not evenly distributed throughout the region.
Most academic studies on the region expansion shows that the initiation region expansion triggered by the need for economic equality, and efforts to improve conditions of public service by presenting the country in the midst of society. In addition, the expansion incentives in the form of allocation of DAU and DAK is also a main attraction for the regions for the proposed expansion.
In the eyes of the central government, is also very important expansion policy adopted in relation to encouraging the emergence of economic activity and the acceleration of economic growth in border areas and underdeveloped, with close to strengthening the identity of Indonesian-ness in community service so that the country is very real presence will be felt by society, and as an effort to maintenance of an active region in order to build a defense and security in the border region.
However, the region expansion policy which amounted to more than 160 such cases do not carry the same impact. Redistricting in each region has its own uniqueness that is not easy to generalize. For the purposes of policy formulation at national level, it is necessary to identify the impact of the expansion in general. This impact is not only related to governance, public services and development at the national level, but also the social, political and economic at the local level.
Taking a lesson from studies conducted by several research institutions, such as Percik, LIPI and several other institutions, social and political impact of expansion policy can not be described as generic. It is not easy to conclude whether the region expansion had a positive or negative. In every dimension, both socio-cultural, political and governance, and public services and economic development, the impact of the expansion is always a double-edged: can be positive, but at the same time also be negative. Not to mention if the effects are placed in different scales: regional scale or national scale.
Upon consideration of the description of the impact of expansion in this paper is placed in a double face. Avoid or minimize the negative impact is basically the division managing the policy process and post-expansion process.
1. Socio Cultural Impact
Region expansion carry positive implications in the form of social recognition, political and cultural community areas. Through the expansion policy, public entities that have a history of cohesiveness and the greatness of a long, gaining recognition as a new autonomous region. This recognition in turn contribute positively to the satisfaction of society, thus increasing regional support of national governments.
However, the expansion policy can also trigger conflict that in turn also generate horizontal and vertical problems in society. Disputes between the parent local government with local government division in terms of transfer of assets and boundaries, often inter-faction tensions have implications for the community and between communities and local governments.
2. Impact On Public Service
Policy region expansion is able to shorten the geographical distance between population centers with service centers, also narrow the span of control between local government administrative units under it. In addition, the division is also possible to deliver the kinds of new services, such as electricity, telephone, and other urban facilities, especially in the capital territory region division.
However, the division also cause negative implications for public services, especially on a national scale, associated with the budget allocation for public services are reduced. This happens because the shopping needs of government officials and other infrastructure to grow in significant numbers in line with the formation of parliament and the bureaucracy in the area of the division.
3. Impact For Economic Development
After the formation of new autonomous regions, there is a great opportunity for accelerated economic development in new areas. Not only the government infrastructure that is built up, but also the physical infrastructure and the infrastructure of economic development policies issued by the new autonomous regional government. All of this infrastructure to open greater opportunities for the region to accelerate the expansion of economic development.
However, the possibility of accelerating this development must be paid by the amount of budget spent to finance the personnel expenditure and spending on local government operations. From the theoretical side, this expenditure can be minimized through economic development policies that span the entire region, so that the acceleration of economic development remains possible with a cheap price. However, in the perspective of local communities, as long as there is no convincing evidence that national governments will do so without the presence of the autonomous regional government.
4. Impact For Defence, Security and National Integration
The formation of new autonomous regions, for some rural communities and communities in the border region is an important national political issue. For these people, they might never see and feel the presence of 'Indonesia', both in symbolic form of government, politicians, bureaucracy and even government offices. Autonomous region expansion, therefore, can improve the memory of national politics in the region through increased support to national governments and the present government on the lower level.
However, the political cost to deliver these new autonomous regional administration often also be very expensive, if the political management during the process and post-expansion can not be done well. As is evident in some areas the results of expansion, inability to build political inclusiveness between groups in society resulting in a demand for more regional split the newly blooming.
Identify the impact of the division led to the conclusion that the many negative impacts that need to be minimized. The essence of the policy that needs to be done is to rationalize the process of expansion policy, both the nomination process conducted by a regional division, and division setting process conducted at the central level. In the following description we will understand the process at two levels, which will bring us to the proposed rationalization of the process of expansion policy by optimizing the public interest.
Cover
Indonesian people have high expectations towards the successful format of decentralization and regional autonomy policies in strengthening national integration and national spirit. Disappointments of local communities in the 1950s and 1960s turned out to be false can only be resolved by the New Order government. Completed regional rebellions and repression of political and military, and demands the allocation of economic resources were completed with the development pattern of the centralized and authoritarian. Regional political turmoil does not exist, but actually can not just sticking to the surface of the mere.
Indonesia after the 1999 attempt to formulate a new policy. Disappointment local communities that emerged in the form of a spirit wants independence of Aceh, Papua, East Kalimantan and Riau in the late 1990s did not respond solely to repressive power. Precisely made by the central government is through decentralization policy, be it political decentralization, decentralization of functions and fiscal decentralization. Policy is what makes the vertical mobility of society into an open area, the more political expression may be done, and the autonomy of resource management increasingly open. In the case of Aceh and Papua provinces, the degree of decentralization is strengthened through asymmetric decentralization policy that gives special autonomy to the two provinces.
However, the policy did not necessarily make disappointment over the area. Departing from the phenomenon of uneven regional pambangunan, political representation in unfair, discriminatory economic development, and rampant corruption practices, local community disappointment continued. This is evident from the increasingly widespread demand to form new autonomous regions. On one side this region expansion into drugs 'fever' effective to reduce the disappointment of local communities, and even also improve government performance, development and public services. However, if not managed properly, such expansion policy could also bring the strengthening of regionalization based on primordial if not accompanied by policies to assemble cross-regional synergies.
There are many expressions of disappointment regional or local government employer against the central government in this current era of decentralization. The central government is fragmented and without coordination, as well as centers that are not consistent with the policy of decentralization are examples of expressions that can be found among local government actors. Care of a severe error and poor performance of central government which occur on an ongoing basis will memperpuruk political and moral legitimacy of the central government in the face of local communities. If this happens, nationality Indonesia will bear the consequences.
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